Washington Approved 48 F-35s for the Kingdom on the Day It Would Not Send a Single Interceptor: The $24.3 Billion Sale Is the Deterrent of the Next Decade Offered in Place of the Air Defence of This Week, and Riyadh Accepted It in Public Because the Alternative Was to Be Seen Receiving Nothing
The State Department on Thursday approved a possible $24.3 billion Foreign Military Sale of 48 F-35 Lightning II aircraft, 49 Pratt & Whitney engines and support equipment to Saudi Arabia, which would make it the only Arab operator of the jet; the Saudi embassy in Washington welcomed it within hours as proof of "the strength and enduring nature" of the partnership, Axios notes the first aircraft would take several years to arrive, and the same day Trump told Axios he has "a big decision coming up" on whether to "annihilate" Iran while the IRGC Navy claimed to have struck a Togo-flagged tanker in Hormuz.
The guarantor answered the interceptor request with a stealth fighter. The US Department of State said on Thursday it had approved the potential sale of Lockheed Martin's F-35 Lightning II to Saudi Arabia, an estimated $24.3 billion package of 48 aircraft, 49 Pratt & Whitney engines, communications equipment, spare parts and other support items, Reuters reports. The department's statement, quoted by Axios, said the sale "will support the foreign policy and national security objectives of the United States by improving the security of a major non-NATO ally that is a force for political stability and economic progress in the Gulf region," would improve the Kingdom's capability to deter current and future threats, and "will not alter the military balance in the region." Riyadh made a direct appeal for the jet to Trump in early 2025; Trump said before the Crown Prince's November visit that he would approve it, and the department has spent the months since reviewing and negotiating the proposal. If it goes through, Axios notes, Saudi Arabia would be the only Arab country operating the F-35, and even after approval "it would take several years before the first jets were supplied to the Saudis." The Saudi embassy in Washington posted on Thursday that "the proposed F-35 sale reflects the strength and enduring nature of the Saudi-US strategic partnership and the continued advancement of our defense cooperation," per the Jerusalem Post's live file; the embassy declined Axios's request for further comment and Lockheed did not respond.
The objections were filed in the same hours and they are two, not one. Reuters frames the sale as testing Washington's definition of Israel's "qualitative military edge," which has effectively guaranteed that Israel receives more advanced US weapons than any Arab state; Israel has flown the F-35 for a decade and built multiple squadrons. Axios reports that the Israeli government did not strongly object, unlike its campaign against a similar sale to Turkey, but wanted Trump to condition the deal on Saudi normalisation, which he declined to do, and that it is unclear whether Washington consulted Israel or reached understandings on preserving the IDF's superiority. The second objection is Chinese. The New York Times reports that US intelligence agencies have warned in internal reports that China could acquire or steal F-35 technology if the jets go to Saudi Arabia; Axios recalls that the UAE sale of Trump's first term died on exactly those concerns under Biden, and that Riyadh has since drawn closer to Beijing, including the Blue Sword naval drills. JINSA's Jonathan Ruhe told Axios the sale is "a categorically bad idea, until and unless the US and Saudi Arabia agree to some concrete guardrails on Riyadh's defense and technological cooperation with China." Reuters adds that lawmakers wary since the 2018 Khashoggi murder could pose challenges, and that the package sits inside the nearly $142 billion arms agreement announced in 2025.
The war the jets are not in continued on schedule. Saudi Arabia's civil defence said a Yemeni resident of the Kingdom was killed by debris from a drone intercepted over Taif on Thursday, the first death Riyadh has announced in the Houthi campaign since it escalated last week, against more than 80 previously reported wounded; Al Jazeera adds two injured. Iran's Revolutionary Guards Navy said a Togo-flagged oil tanker caught fire and came to a halt after being hit while attempting what it called an "illegal passage" of Hormuz, per Iranian state media carried by Reuters early on Friday; no owner, name or independent confirmation was given. Trump, in an Axios interview quoted by Reuters, said: "I have a big decision coming up. Do I want to go in and annihilate them or do I not? It's a big decision. Anything could happen with me." Reuters notes he has threatened major new attacks before that did not materialise, that Washington has rebuffed Saudi pleas for military support against the Houthis, and that an Iranian delegation will be allowed to attend the UN General Assembly next week. Whether France, Britain, Pakistan or Egypt has named an air-defence deployment after Wednesday's AP report is not established in the sources fetched, beyond Pakistan's "some deployments" reported below.
The judgment is that Thursday's approval is an instrument of relationship management rather than of war, and that both capitals know it: a jet that arrives in several years cannot intercept a drone over Taif, and a notification to Congress on the day the House left town until November cannot be read as urgency. What the sale does is give Riyadh something to welcome in public in the week its guarantor met the Houthis in Muscat and declined its strikes, and give Washington a $24.3 billion answer to the question of whether the partnership still exists. The inference is that the Crown Prince's call to Trump last week produced the F-35 and not the Patriots, which tells the Kingdom which of its requests Washington finds cheap. The two objections matter in different tenses: Israel's edge is a problem for the Letter of Offer, China is a problem for delivery, and Congress can use either to hold the sale for months. The observable is whether any member files a joint resolution of disapproval before the review clock runs, whether the State Department's formal DSCA notice carries an Israeli-edge certification, and whether Riyadh's next request to Washington is for interceptors again or for the jets to be brought forward.