The Americans Sat Down With the Houthis in Their Own Embassy in Muscat and Came Away With a Promise to Spare Every Ship but Saudi Arabia's: Washington Has Bought Its Own Red Sea Peace at Riyadh's Expense, and the Kingdom Is Now Asking Four Other Capitals for the Interceptors Its Guarantor Will Not Send
Five sources told Reuters that US embassy personnel met Houthi negotiators Mohammad Abdulsalam and Abdelmalik al-Ajri at the US Embassy in Muscat on Sunday, that the group pledged not to attack American, Israeli or any commercial vessels except Saudi ones, and that the meeting preceded Washington's decision not to intervene; two regional officials told AP the Kingdom is running low on missile interceptors and has asked France, Britain, Pakistan and Egypt for air-defence support because the US stock has dwindled in six months of war with Iran.
The switchboard was in Muscat and the Kingdom was not on the line. US officials met representatives of the Houthis at the US Embassy in Oman over the weekend, five sources told Reuters on Wednesday; three placed the meeting at the embassy, two said Oman's government helped organise it, and one said it took place on Sunday. The US side was embassy personnel, two sources said. The Houthi side included Mohammad Abdulsalam, the group's chief negotiator, who is based in Muscat and under US sanctions, and Abdelmalik al-Ajri. In the room, two sources said, the Houthis told the Americans they had no intention of attacking US vessels and were committed to the May 2025 ceasefire; a Yemeni source added that the group would not attack Israeli ships or any commercial vessels, "except those belonging to Saudi Arabia." President Trump had said on Saturday that the Houthis phoned his administration asking the United States to keep out of the Yemen war; Vice President Vance said on Monday that Washington was in direct contact with the group. A State Department spokesperson told Reuters: "We have no comment on this specific reported meeting," and said freedom of navigation in the Red Sea and preventing the export of terrorism were core US interests.
The Guardian's Patrick Wintour reports the meeting "has been confirmed" and that it led to the US decision not to intervene to help Saudi Arabia drive the Houthis back; the group told the Americans that only Saudi-linked shipping was a target, "owing to its blockade of Yemen." Nabeel Khoury, a former deputy US ambassador to Yemen, called it "a kind of tacit understanding": "the Houthis are promising the American administration that American and international navigation will not be affected in the Red Sea, but the only danger is to Saudi ships or those carrying Saudi oil." The Guardian's reading is that the refusal puts pressure on Riyadh either to reach a diplomatic settlement with the Houthis over Yemen's governance or to build a regional alliance with Pakistan and Turkey. Reuters' Wednesday wrap adds the guarantor's own retreat in a different register: the United States banned government employees from travelling within 20 miles of the Yemen border, and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's call to Trump last week seeking military support "so far has been limited to intelligence aid."
The shortage behind the diplomacy is now on the record from two officials. Saudi Arabia is running low on missile interceptors and has asked France, Britain, Pakistan and Egypt to deploy air-defence support to the region, two regional officials told AP on Wednesday, per the South China Morning Post; one said the outreach began because the United States, the Kingdom's main arms supplier, has seen its own stock dwindle in the war with Iran, and that Riyadh must defend "not only its military bases and vital government installations but also oil facilities across the kingdom." The second official said the Kingdom is also trying to rally allies for a collective response against the Houthis, "but the decision now is to give diplomacy a chance," with Oman and Egypt leading de-escalation efforts. A US official told AP that CENTCOM has a task force in place "for enhancing intelligence sharing and planning support with Saudi forces," and confirmed the eight-nation conference in Germany without naming the countries. Saudi officials did not respond to AP, Reuters or the Guardian.
The judgment is that Washington has converted the Houthi threat into a bilateral American problem with a bilateral American solution, and that the solution's price is being paid in Saudi hulls: a ceasefire that protects US, Israeli and third-country shipping while explicitly excluding the Kingdom is not neutrality, it is a partition of the Red Sea by flag, negotiated in a US embassy with a sanctioned Houthi official, days after the Crown Prince asked the same government for strikes. That is a fact about instruments, and the inference is that the Houthis understand American priorities better than Riyadh's public statements admit. The interceptor request is the harder fact, because a state that must ask Cairo and Islamabad for air defence is a state whose deterrent has been priced by its adversary. The observable is whether any of the four capitals names a battery, a ship or a squadron by the weekend, and whether the State Department moves from "no comment" to a readout that mentions Saudi shipping.